The
Home Front
Black domestic workers say low wages and
poor treatment are apartheid holdovers.
By David Gilson
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa,
March 30 Until yesterday, Maggie worked as a live-in maid for a
white family in Randberg, a suburb of Johannesburg. When she asked her
employers for a raise, "They said black people are stupid and that I was
trying to be clever." Then they locked her out of their house.
She and her one-year-old son
Prince spent last night with friends, and this morning she came to the
Department of Labour in downtown Johannesburg to get help. As Maggie explains
her situation to a department inspector, her baby chews happily on a piece
of cheese and throws his socks on the floor.
Domestic workers
in South Africa often complain of low pay and long hours. Some,
like Maggie, lose their jobs when they challenge their employers.
Photo by David Gilson.
|
A weary-looking black woman
in her forties, Maggie says she worked for her employers for three years.
She was paid $46 a month to clean the house and wash clothes. Her employers
often took in boarders but did not pay her for the extra work. She decided
to take a chance and ask for more money.
Shortly after her employers
refused her request, she took a week off to visit her five other children,
who attend school outside the city. When she returned yesterday morning,
her employers told her they were moving and that she was fired. They did
not let her collect her clothing, furniture and food from her room in
the back of the house.
"Everything I have is in the
house," she says. "If my employer goes tonight, I lose my things."
Maggie is one of more than
one million women who work as maids, cooks, nannies and house cleaners
in South Africa. Six years after the end of apartheid, the daily lives
of many domestic workers, have changed little. Like Maggie, they work
long hours for little pay and risk losing their livelihood if they ask
for fair wages or better treatment.
Almost all domestic workers
are black women (some men work as gardeners, drivers and handymen). By
some estimates, domestic work is the most common job for black women in
South Africa. With unemployment rates for black women at close to 40 percent,
domestic work remains one of the few career options for poor uneducated
women.
In many ways, domestic labor
is a microcosm of South African society, where the aspiring many and the
privileged few live sometimes literally in each other's
backyards. Now, as domestic workers lobby the government for a minimum
wage and more legal protection, this sensitive subject is soon to be the
center of a heated debate that highlights the divisions between blacks
and whites in post-apartheid South Africa.
Breaking
with the past
On a Sunday afternoon, organizers from the Cape Town chapter of the South
African Domestic Service and Allied Workers Union meet in a small office
in a community center. The nine women here say the poor treatment of domestic
workers is an apartheid-era relic that has no place in democratic South
Africa.
"For domestic workers the
struggle is not over until there is action," says union member Adelaide
Buso. "The book on apartheid has been closed, but there has been no funeral.
We are the ones who can bury apartheid." As the daughter of one of the
women serves tea, they sit and talk about their jobs and their efforts
to organize the domestic workers in the neighborhoods where they work.
The meeting officially begins with a prayer and a rousing cry of the old
liberation slogan, "Amandla! Awethu!" ("The power! Is ours!").
Domestic labor in South Africa
originated in the 17th century, when Dutch settlers enslaved African women
as household servants. Slavery was abolished in the 19th century, but
many of its exploitative and abusive aspects persisted. Under apartheid,
the government generally did not interfere in matters between "master
and servant," leaving employers free to treat employees as they saw fit.
Domestic labor
is one of the most common jobs for black South African women. Paulina
Legodi learns dress-making at a skills training project in Johannesburg.
Photo by David Gilson.
|
Since 1994, South Africa has
scrapped the apartheid-era labor laws that denied domestics legal rights
and left them with little recourse if they were mistreated. A wave of
new legislation entitles full-time domestic workers to a 45-hour workweek,
overtime pay, sick leave, maternity leave and two weeks of paid vacation
every year. They now have the right to enter into a written contract with
their employers and the right to file complaints against employers.
"The only thing that really
changed was the laws on paper," says Myrtle Witbooi, a former domestic
worker who is the union's main organizer in Cape Town. She says few employers
follow the new laws because the government can do little to enforce them.
The Department of Labour does not have enough inspectors to handle all
complaints from domestic workers and they cannot enter employers' homes
without a court order. "The employers make their own law," Witbooi says.
"They exploit you so much more now."
The women say employers take
advantage of them, often to the point where they have little time for
themselves. They review a typical day's chores: make coffee, cook breakfast,
dress the children, make beds, clean toilets, wash windows, scrub floors,
feed the dog, buy groceries, wash and iron clothes, prepare and serve
dinner, wash dishes, and so on. Those who work as live-in domestics say
they only see their families on their days off.
Buso, who has long worked
as a live-in domestic for the same family, produces a bank receipt for
a $27 holiday bonus and passes it around the room. She laughs bitterly,
"After fifteen years, this is what I get." She says she dares not ask
for better wages or a written contract. If she were fired, her age and
failing health would probably prevent her from finding another job.
"I'm not 60 yet, but I'm finished,"
she says. Her joints ache from years of housework, but she says she must
keep working. "A domestic worker cannot survive without work," she says.
"It's just slavery until death."
A
new wage confronts old attitudes
Not all domestics are mistreated or dissatisfied. Lydia Mahlaba, a 64-year-old
retired maid from Johannesburg, says her employers of 18 years always
paid her well, provided decent accommodations and treated her with respect.
The work was hard, but being paid a living wage made it easier.
When Mahlaba's employers moved
to the U.S. in 1995, they provided her with an apartment and a generous
pension. She says they have even offered to fly her out to visit them.
"They built me a house and are still paying me. Whatever I ask, they send,"
she says. "They are really good people."
However, Mahlaba says her
situation is an exception. Many of her friends have not been so fortunate.
"I wasn't working like the others," she says.
Domestic workers' wages vary,
but most earn less than the national average income $.3310 GNP per capita.
According to a government study, 80 percent of domestic workers earn less
than $100 a month and 35 percent make under $45 a month. Perhaps due to
the prevalence of domestic work, these salaries are on a par with many
black South African women's. The 1996 census found that 48 percent of
employed black women earn $77 or less per month. In contrast, less than
five percent of white women fell into this category.
The South African Department
of Labour is planning to announce the first minimum wage for domestic
workers in October. The domestic workers' union is lobbying the government
for a minimum wage of $185 a month for full-time domestics and $1.50 an
hour for part-time workers. The union says that a fair minimum wage is
just the beginning. It is also lobbying parliament to include domestics
in legislation on unemployment insurance, worker's compensation, affordable
housing and child labor.
Annemari van Zyl, who heads
the Department of Labour's efforts to set a minimum wage, says the union's
demands are unrealistic. "It's just too high," she says. "To improve from
[$45] to [$185] will just kill employers." Van Zyl explains that the government's
primary goal is to raise wages for the lowest paid third of domestic workers.
In doing so, it must walk a fine line between domestic workers' basic
needs and what employers' pocketbooks can bear.
Some employers have already
said that a higher wage would force them to lay off their domestics, but
most employers can afford some kind of wage increase, van Zyl says. It's
largely a matter of priorities: some employers spend more on entertainment
or church donations than on their domestic's salary. "We're telling employers
that this is not some dehumanized being staying in your backyard," Van
Zyl says. "What will they be prepared to forgo to pay a higher wage?"
Jean Bernstein, who runs a
skills training program for domestic workers in Johannesburg, says that
the country's struggling economy has pinched many employers' budgets,
and some can no longer afford full-time domestics. She says that if the
new wage were too high, "half the African servants would be thrown out."
The new wage might lead employers
to fire their domestic workers, but only temporarily, says van Zyl. After
a month or two of doing their own housework, they will readily rehire
them. The union says that unless the government enforces the new law,
employers will find employees who will work for less than the legal wage.
At the very least, a minimum wage might remind employers that they need
domestics' labor as much as domestics need their money.
One
world, two universes
In the past, many South African whites expected maids, cooks and housekeepers
as perquisites of the good life. Thanks to apartheid laws that made it
difficult for black women to get anything but menial jobs, domestic servants
were cheap, readily available and easily dismissed. "When I got married,
we all had flats with upstairs rooms for servants," recalls Bernstein.
"That was the traditional South African way of life." Many of the traditions
of domestic labor have endured, from domestics calling their employers
"sir" and "madam" to full-time domestics living in servants' quarters.
Domestic workers remain a
ubiquitous part of the white world, and yet they never fully belong to
it. They spend their days taking care of their employers' homes and families,
but they are held at arm's length and sometimes viewed with distrust.
South Africans joke about employers who don't know their domestics' last
names, even after a lifetime of service. An urban myth that circulated
before the first democratic elections in 1994 warned that maids were making
secret inventories of their employers' homes in preparation for the anarchy
that would follow the change to majority rule. The rumor, of course, was
untrue.
"Employers will say, 'She's
just like a member of the family but she can't use the bathroom,'"
says Stephen Francis. Francis, a New Yorker who moved to Johannesburg
after he married a South African, sees "the maid thing" as a unique reflection
of South African society. Along with two other cartoonists, Francis produces
"Madam & Eve," a comic strip that chronicles the misadventures of a matronly
white "madam" and her outspoken black maid, Eve. The strip, which has
been running in South African newspapers since 1993, is a national hit,
and plans for a sit-com are in the works.
In addition to satirizing
South African politics, "Madam & Eve" parodies many aspects of the maid-madam
relationship. Hardly a week goes by without Eve asking for a raise
without success. In one strip, Eve hypnotizes her boss into doing her
own housework. "We're taking stereotypes and standing them on their heads,"
says Francis. The rivalry between the strip's characters is always good-natured.
"Madam and Eve actually love each other, but they never admit it."
But the distance between Madam
and Eve's real-life colleagues is not so easily bridged. On a sunny afternoon
in an affluent Johannesburg neighborhood, domestic workers go about their
work in an apartment complex. In the garden, black men in blue coveralls
mow the lawn and trim bushes. Black women in pink uniforms occasionally
appear in the windows as snippets of conversations and radio programs
in African languages drift though the halls.
From the outside of the building,
a string of small windows is visible on the fifth floor. The windows are
big enough to allow for ventilation, but too high to look down into the
garden or to see the downtown skyline rising over the nearby cricket stadium.
These are the domestics' rooms.
One woman who owns an apartment
in the building has employed the same domestic for 30 years. Both women
are nearly 70 years old. She says she pays a fair wage and puts money
aside for a retirement plan in addition to providing free food, lodging
and utilities. Her family also helped her domestic's son attend college
and when he graduated, they helped him find a job. But she says her generosity
has been barely acknowledged. "There's no sense of gratitude. They just
expect these things because of the past."
"They don't see us as human
beings," says Hester Stephens, a 60-year-old domestic worker from Cape
Town. She says her employers rarely acknowledge her contributions to their
family, such as taking care of their young son since he was an infant.
Her employers do not want their son to become too attached to her because
she is black. They told him to stop visiting her in her room and she says
he recently told her, "Auntie Hester, mum and dad say you're not my mommy."
At times like this, there
is little to do but retreat to her room in the family's backyard. "You
are so isolated in that room. There is no one in that room with you when
you go to sleep," she says. "You just pray and you go to bed."
A longtime union organizer,
Stephens frequently comforts other domestics who have nowhere else to
turn. Though she is optimistic that the union can secure a living wage
and better work conditions for domestics, she is pessimistic about employers'
willingness to change their attitudes. "Employers in South Africa, even
in the year 5000, will always be the same," she says.
Waiting
for change
The ill-feeling between domestic workers and employers inevitably takes
on a racial overtone, says Vusi Masinga, a commissioner at the Commission
for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration, a government body that negotiates
labor disputes. "The relative sense of deprivation in domestic workers
is higher than in any other industry," he says. They see the contrast
between their lives and their employers' lives as a reflection of the
larger divisions between blacks and whites. Likewise, employers often
feel that domestic workers' demands are just attempts to redistribute
their wealth.
"There are raised unreasonable
expectations on one side," says Masinga, referring to the domestic workers.
"On the other, the employers feel like they're being screwed because they're
white." Many employers are resistant to change, and as Masinga says half-jokingly,
"The maids are becoming cheeky."
Resolving these tensions is
extremely difficult, says Masinga. Most of the domestic labor-related
cases he handles involve women who have already been fired. In these situations,
it is nearly impossible to restore a domestic worker's job and too late
to mend the relationship with her employer.
At the Department of Labour
in Johannesburg, inspector Khosi Mbombo listens to Maggie's story. Mbombo
explains that under the law, Maggie's former employers must let her retrieve
her possessions and they owe her a month's wages in severance pay. Mbombo
tries to phone the employer, but there is no answer. She says she will
try to organize a police escort to take Maggie to her ex-employers' house
the next morning, but she can't make any guarantees.
Carrying her baby and the
green plastic bag that holds her few belongings, Maggie walks back to
a waiting area and sits down. It could be a long wait.
Back To Top
| Home
|